The ambiguity of the power almohade towards soufîs stays the rule(ruler), fundamental of the relations soaked(filled) with fear and with observation. After a radical decision of the power against the malikisme and the fuqahâ ’, Almohades reproduced the plan of Almoravides against the radical wing of the Sufism and these supports in Maghrib and in Andalusia. The same power was inspired by Lamtûna, but less heavy on the political climate. He(it) had an opinion towards the soufî trend(tendency) and the men(people) of the Ihyâ ’ more opened than their predecessor almoravide. To understand(include) this ambiguity in the relations almohade - soufî, it needs to hold(retain) the following elements:

1 - The almohade decision against the malikisme almoravide was not directly connected to the question of the book Ihyâ ’, as suggests him(it) to us the historico-geographical and bibliographic tradition medieval. The essential ideological and political fight(wrestling) between both trends(tendencies)-malikisme the almowahidisme-had for Almohades the objective of the foundation of a power in Muslim West. From this point of view the stand of Almohades had for objective no support of " Ihya' istes ", at the same time this soufî movement, very faithful to these principles of opposition to Almoravides, share this point with the politico-religious movement of the Masmûda.

2 - The common tradition of the opponent which shared the Sufism and the almowahidisme had creates a politics(policy) of « tasâmuh????? » « Tolerance under condition ». ^CAbd al-Mâlik al-Murrâkushî summarizes this politics(policy) by explaining that ^CAbd al-Mu’min and these sons(threads), in particular the caliph to al-Mansûr, often summoned(convened) the shuyûkhs of the Sufism (mashâyikh al-sûfiyya????????????) by fear of their revolt against the central power.

3 - The ambiguity of the power almohade proves that the expansion of the Sufism within the company(society) of Maghrib, away from the official ideology of the power and these institutions, frightened Almohades. The Sufism had developed these own means of action what reduces the expansion of the almowahidisme within the company(society). It is not surprising that the almohades caliphs were afraid of being competed by the Sufism, because the almowahidisme and the mahdisme had from the beginning difficulties getting popular masses. The appeal(recourse) to the strength, the state centralism and the Imâmat mahdiste, the summit of the idéologisation, can only prevent any attempt from proposing to the company(society) of Maghrib a project. The Sufism which had gained(won) spaces and very close to masses, stays a credible and dangerous project in the moments of crisis. Two examples show this evolution of the Sufism in Maghrib and its credibility:

1 - Lla revolt of Ibn Qasî against Almoravides. Their successors in the power had too a contact with the movement of western Andalusia (gharb al-Andalus). Ibn Qasî, after its defeat against commander(major) of the almoravide army of al-Andalus Ibn Ghâniya, had entered into an alliance with Almohades under pretext that he had the same doctrine as their founder Ibn Tûmart. Ibn Khaldûn brings back(reports) that ^CAbd al-Mu’min had refused this alliance(wedding ring), because Ibn Qasî appears through its letter at the caliph as Mahdî. The texts of the Arabic historiography are contradictory on the relations of Ibn Qasî and the first caliph almohade. Ibn al-Abbâr brings back to(reports) us that he(it) was indicated(appointed) by the Almohades governor of western Andalusia. Whereas al-Murrâkushî indicate that he(it) was captured and exiled in Maghrib. The power almohade had not from the beginning excluded resorting(turning) to these men(people) who are popular by popular masses. It is clear that the almohades first ones by multiple military partners did not manage to impose their doctrine and their vision of the company(society) mahdiste. As such we have against weight which represents the radical Sufism which made reference to the theses mahdiste, what competes seriously with one of the principles of Almohades. If Ibn Qasî remains the typical example of this danger consider as permanent employee by the almohades caliphs and their circles of acquaintances, it existed through Maghrib almohade, a significant number of soufîs which were very active in the South and in the North of Maghrib and in Andalusia.

2 - Almohades used the followers of Ibn Qasî, after their defeat and the exile of their leader in western Maghrib. To Ceuta the coastal city the soufî received by the governor almohade, by treating(handling) him(it) with the honors deserving of a sovereign. Escorted in Marrakesh, the caliph almohade ^CAbd al-Mu’min, fine political strategist, had welcomed Ibn Qasî with all the honors, after this last one had recognized the power of Almohades. ^CAbd al-Mu’min had messenger Ibn Qasî in the head of an army under the military direction(management) of a penitent of the Almoravides named Barrâz of the tribe Massûfa to fight(dispute) the almoravides last ones in Andalusia. From arrived sound, Ibn Qasî in the service of Almohades had used the contingents murîd???????? Territories of Algavare in the service of the almohade conquest. During the years 1147-1148, the territories of Algavare, Jerez, Niébla, Mortola, Seville, Téjada and Aznalcazar were subjected to the authority of Almohades. Hardly of his(her,its) military successes Ibn Qasî abruptly returned against Almohades because of the persecutions of the populations of Seville by the brothers of the Mahdî Ibn Tûmart. The second rebellion which Ibn Qasî had activated(started) against Almohades had not lasted for a long time because of the tearings between these former(ancient) lieutenants, first of all Ibn al-Mundir who had planned the murder of Ibn Qasî, while proclaiming his(her,its) gratitude(recognition) in the almohade doctrine.

3 - The al-Tashawuf book?????? Of al-Tâdilî is the typical example the expansion of the Sufism, written in moments of uncertainty and crisis of the dynasty almohade, he brings back(reports) a precise card(map) of the presence of soufîs, their influences and their ways. After eight years on the defeat of al-^CUqâb in 617 of the Hegira, al-Tâdilî informs us about a silent strength «??????? » And the reference of this way to the ideas of Imâm al-Ghazâlî, which he(it) had quoted thirteen times and once for Imâm al-Haramayn and his(its) book al-Irshâd??????? As well as Abû Tâlib al-Makkî and his(her,its) book Qût al-qulûb?????????.

These indications do not spread(push aside) us from the first question on which the doubt was going to settle down, it is a question as the predecessors of the economic questions. The question of the very important tax system within the empire almohade had focused all the conflicts between the governors and the soufîs. First of all, it is necessary to notice that nothing proves that the saints had an opposition against the almohades caliphs by political calculation or of interest social. They had widely supported the movement of Ibn Tûmart, part their activities against Lamtûna or by the silence on the dogmatic and legitimist frame(executive) of the power. As such the saints in the period almohade, in any case in the first generation of the caliphs, noticed the second important measure of this power which had abolished all the illegal taxes of their predecessors. This very popular measure within the masses of the Muslim west had contributed to a calm on the forehead(front) of the conflicts bound(connected) to the tax system.

The power almohade had got(touched) the property, a central question since the Moslem conquest, the almohades caliphs considered rightly or wrongly the territory of western Maghrib in general lands conquered militarily (Ard futihat ^CUnwatan). Consequently, they had legally the possibility of putting the hand on the fertile lands, while treating the owners as people of the book (Ahl al-DIma). Thus a big part(party) of the peasant populations became developers of their own earth(ground) seized according to the religious law established by Almohades. The kharâj?????? Was a tool very answered to Almohades so much that they had create an administration of management call to nudâr al-kharâj??????????. The almohades governors had the load(responsibility) to launch on the market the rent of the fertile lands of their regions, at the same time the increase of the kharâj and its collection. This economic system ensued directly from the vision toughened by the movement almohade which considered that all the inhabitants of the Maghrib sound of the heretics doubtless (kuffâr surahâ ’). In this system, almohade even the submission was in a way applicable to the losers. Sources(springs) bring back to(report) us moreover that according to to say of al-Mahdî that ahl Al-jamâ^CHas ?????????? And their descendants their slaves are all the inhabitants of the world, that the caliph almohade ^CAbd al-Mu’min refrained(abstained) from considering one of the sons(threads) of the companions(journeymen) of al-Mahdî who had killed his own brother Ibrâhîm.

Thus holds(retains) that the question was more delicate because Almohades conjugated the tax system and the property which she(it) watches very close by the governors. These last ones appeal to the rule(ruler) of the seizure of the cattle, the lands, the farm produces and craft(home-made) and even the habous of mosques, for the benefit of the State. The governors took advantage of this system set up from the beginning by the dynasty. The populations as usual to be able to governors and officials of the tax department appealed to the holy premises so that he(it) repairs the injustice by the divine punishment that only the saint knows the secrets.

By denouncing(cancelling) the overtakings ( tajâwuzât ) of the subordinates of the caliphs in town and in rural areas, soufîs remained faithful to their social commitments, while remaining very positive towards ^CAbd al-Mu’min which(who) gave reason to the mystic of Ihyâ ’. The analysis made by FERHAT Halima to demonstrate that the al-Ma’mûn caliph had a mystic attempt, is not proved in reality completely, because notices it that the politics(policy) of it prestigious caliph navigated between the pragmatism, the guile, the cruelty and the tyranny. The link(merger), moreover operated in the direction of the mystic is in reality only a political operation to spread(to push aside) mahdistes Masmûda for the benefit of Kumiya of ^CAbd al-Mu’min. The almohades caliphs obsessed by the gratitude(recognition) of their califale ascendancy made so that the return in force mystic were not made to the detriment of the prestige which they wanted to give to their khilâfa in Muslim West. These in this very toughened frame(executive) that the movement of ' awliyâ '???????? Went justified his(her,its) presence in a perfect counter-example if we do not say to us a forces of opposition.

The institution of the political and military centralism in the space of western Maghrib had not realized for what the leaders of the movement almohade waited, the membership(support) of popular masses in their doctrine of the tawhîd???????. The conquest rapes bound(connected) to a doctrinal principle which excluded from the Islamic community all which did not agree with the interpretation(performance) of Ibn Tûmart had made doubted the populations of the foundation of the movement. Popular masses had not included the link which existed between the facts of the military conquest rough and the theory of the tawhîd, especially that the doctrine of Ibn Tûmart seems very complicated to understand(include) by a big majority of the population. The contradiction between the exercises of power based on the military force of Masmûda and the doctrinal institution was very negative for the expansion of the doctrine of Ibn Tûmart. This handicap in the route(course) of Almohades had played favorably in favour of the movements of the ' awliyâ ' which began their route(course) almost simultaneously after the birth of the power almohade.

The movement of ' awliyâ ', very former(ancient), was led(driven) by soufîs within the company(society), far from the centres of the power. He(it) had gained(won) spaces very important for the North and for the South of Oued Oum al-Rabî^C. Taking first of all the fief of Almohades, the mountains of Masmûda were surrounded with a renewed interest for the movement of soufîs-waliys, as Doukkâla, Haskûra, Hâha, Sûs, Tâdla and Dar^CA. The origin and the membership of these populations, influenced by the movement of soufîs-waliys, in Masmûda said length on this major transformation(processing) in the social history(story) of western Maghrib almohade. He(it) was evident, that the movement of ' awliyâ ' had got back popular masses little convinced by the almohade propaganda to substitute itself as alternative in her(it) ^CThe doctrine of the tribes of the conquest asabiya masmûdiènne and. From this point of view, the failure(defeat) from the beginning of the movement almohade federated all the Masmûda (Masmûdat al-jabal and Masmûdat al-fahs) had opened the way to this unexpected replacement in the center of the territories of her(it) Da^CWa ??????. The space of the movement of ' awliyâ ' had historic assets(trump cards), in particular the tradition of the ribât???? As that of Mâsâ, Shakîr, Kûz etc. These ribât which begin to set of the importance, because the pension(retreat) of ' awliyâ '???????? More and more popular did not have almost meaning after the extraordinary distribution(broadcasting) of the Sufism and the increase of the circles of Murîdûn???????? In search of spirituality.

The space was traditionally fertile for the long-lasting(sustainable) setting-up(presence) of the movement of ' awliyâ '. The religious fervour which had followed the movement almoravido-malikite was for many in this process. The crisis of the company(society) and the excitement of Ibn Tûmart have puts back(hands) on the scene(stage) of Maghrib the important religious questions. In the succession(advent) of the dynasty almohade very complex on the ideological plan, because these founders surrounded the institutions of the sacred, while excluding the popular masses of the founding process of the power. This new phenomenon had provoked within the company(society) of western Maghrib a desire to follow waliy to face the almohade institution.

The soufî tradition of the estrangement of the power (nufûr??????) almohade had not weakened in the time(period) even if notices it a calm from the point of view of the opened confrontation. From the beginning, it is necessary to indicate that the management of the file of the Sufism had largely been resolved in rise of the ostracism almoravide against the book Ihyâ ’?????. The most delicate second face was the meeting of Almohades with three types(chaps) of groupings of soufîs through the territory of Maghrib and Andalusia. The individualities (afrâd?????) began to establish(constitute) the first two groups, the one bound(connected) to the Sunnism and the other popular what was going to engender the birth of reference communities (tawâ’ yew?????). The power almohade checked(controlled) them more at least to avoid that it establishes(constitutes) an important social strength capable of questioning their power.

In the South of western, very dynamic Maghrib in the elaboration of the dynastic projects, it was the same dynamic space of the wilâya???????. It was not a coincidence in our opinion for multiple reasons which made of this space the cradle of mystic popular. We already had to indicate that the rule(ruler) of the nufûr?????? And of the khidma?????? What was the common follow-up literally by the scholars of the spirit, what spread(pushed aside) any attempt which supposes that the wilâya??????? Existed there or the power settled down. The development of the movement of the wilâya did not serve the mahdisme, because it had a big difference between mechanisms and theories of both trends(tendencies). The wilâya was thus independent from the almohade institution. She(it) intervened in a frame(executive) which reminder(abseiling) that the style administrator almohade of the space, the men(people) and the culture had favored the transfer of the popularity towards the current of the wilâya. ' Awliyâ ' represented the alternative(alternate) administrator in a socio-religious frame(executive) bound(connected) just like the holy character. The image practises that felt(smelt) the populations, beyond the big questions of the Sufism, was the driving(behavior) of waliys???????? Popular which(who) groups together(includes) a set of practice that we did not find at the reformist movement almoravide or almohade. The system of ' awliyâ ', devoid of any interests material, organized around the listening (al-isghâ ’), the stamina ( al-tahamul ) and the arrangement in the side of the weak(weakness) of the company(society) (al-intisâr Li-al-mustad^CAf) Struck the spirits and led(drove) to consider ' awliyâ ' as neutral defenders in the politico-religious stakes and tribal of western Maghrib. From this point of view the mechanism of the simplicity and the service had given a capacity to the ' awliyâ ' which allowed them to melt it in the social, economic and tribal realities of the South and in the North of western Maghrib. They were of this fact of the actors and not the spectators devoid of any responsibility on earth(ground), as had tried it of represented them through the spiritual reading of the behavior.

Thus, in the case of the ' awliyâ ' of western Maghrib almohade the scale(ladder) of their presences indicated by the present sources(springs) three levels of a graduation in front of the almohade institution. The first presence criticizes her(it) indirect, very shy of the reaction of Almohades. In this level, they shared the same fears of the power almohade towards them. That is on both sides the caution was acceptable to avoid a confrontation direct between both trends(tendencies). The second presence of ' awliyâ ' was in the direction of the company(society) or they lived. They were available to intervene in the economic and social conflicts. In these two fundamental presences within the company(society) can add the spiritual quest of ' awliyâ ' (tarîqa, pleased. Turûq), these this made who(which) served at once(at the same time) the criticism of the model almohade and the intransigence in the field of the application of the law of al-Haqq in the low world broke by the subordinates of the caliphs. Historically, up to the caliph almohade al-Mansûr, we are certain that the attitude of the movement of ' awliyâ ' was access on these three levels. But it is not completely proved that ' awliyâ ' was behind the question of the refusal(discharge) of the mahdisme, even if the al-Ma’mûn caliph had considered that the popular Sufism was in one made of continual peak and that it was necessary to get back him(it) in political and military purposes.

It is not surprising that the caliph almohade al-Mansûr, then al-Ma’mûn saw that the idéologisation of the education(teaching) of the movement almohade and first caliphs had become ineffective. The organization of the studies around both official organs talabas and huffâd in the service of the doctrine (Al-^CAqîda) Of Ibn Tûmart have serte supplied to the administration elites necessities to manage the empire. They trained(formed) the elites which had replaced the former(ancient) companions(journeymen) of the Mahdî, the shuyûkhs almohades. The attempts almohade neither had been able to frame(supervise) the education(teaching), nor fixed the scholars and the students in a frame(executive) of school. The journey (al-rihla Al-^CIlmiya) A freedom jealously kept(guarded) by the scholars of the western Maghrib was intact. The mystic current rooted in cities and the campaigns(countrysides) had taken advantage of this system, since Abû Ya^CZa, fuqahâ ’ and the students, left far from urban areas and from power to follow their studies beside mystic popular. These moreover thanks to these contact between these sanctimonious persons, the fuqahâ' talabas of which the corpuses hagiographiques smelt in this time(period) to pay tribute to these men(people) got(touched) by the divine grace(favor). This literature had resumed(taken back) the former(ancient) legal, religious and political debates for the contesting, the approval or the adoption.And

The birth of the wilâya, a historic change in the South of western Maghrib had got(touched) Masmûda and a big part(party) of the scholars. She was represented as a tool alternative to the mahdisme, but within her(it) thought Sunni bound(connected) to the Sufism of al-Ghazâlî, very spread(broadcasted) by her pupil Abû Bakr b. al-^CArabî al - my^CÂfirî al-Ishbîlî (m., 543 hours / 1148). These these links with the Sunnism which had facilitated the acceptance of the wilâya in the popular circles (^CInda al-jumhûr). The weight social and monk of the mystic current in the time(period) almohade was bound(connected) to spaces private individual, ribâts, places loaded with a big historic symbolism and in a literature, a hagiography, which distanced itself from papers officials of the politico-religious and dynastic movements of medieval western Maghrib. Since the birth of the system almohade and until the famous oppression and persecution of the caliph Ya^CQûb al-Mansûr in the malikisme, it is important to indicate that the mystic current had never stopped its begun(primed) link(merger) enter MyDHab And the way ( tarîqa ). At the same moment, in this development of the alternative(alternate) wilâya which represents the mystic current, another development organization chart within tawâ' yew began to make its appearance since Abû Muhammad Sâlih d' Asafî's tâ' ifa (m., in 631 a Hour / 1234). Even if XIV^E Century stays the period of its peak. The religious fervour stemming from the project almohade had to fall again on the mystic current: individuality, tawâ’ yew and family. She(it) had allows a development in the sense(direction) of an orientation which seemed very conciliatory with him(it) MyDHab Except any political membership. In this precise frame(executive) the categorical prohibition of Almoravides had left the place(square) with a shape of peaceful cohabitation during period almohade between the constituents of the social expression of western Maghrib, even if a part(party) of the popular ' awliyâ ' made be afraid in the power almohade their reversal(capsizing) in the regions of their influences.

This towards these individualities of retreat(withdrawal) that Almohades wanted to go to check(control) work on them, the case of Abû Dâwûd Muzâhim in the North was an example on the subject. The second type(chap) of saints with whom Almohades had many difficulties, are the saints who structured their tâ' ifa, because he lived independently of everything contacts with the authorities. These saints of the almohade generation who resorted(turned) to the dominion of a space and to the influence of social groups upset the individual data of the holiness. The case of Abû Muhammad Sâlih was an example of a big historic value, because it establishes(constitutes) a new institution in Maghrib almohade. The third group which referred to shurafâ ’ mutasawiffa represents largely the longevity with regard to the other movement, because it is considered as the most former(ancient) family of medieval Maghrib to be elected to the rank of the holiness. Thus the power almohade was in front of the multiplication(increase) of the structures emanating from the Sufism. These last ones had an autonomy of management in the peripheral centres of the dynasty, what establishes(constitutes) with the eyes of the caliphs and the theologians mahdistes a permanent danger.